Chasing Cheap Rents in Pricey Brooklyn



The Times’ Appraisal column this week looks into the story of a young professional who has lived in several apartments in Brooklyn but never paid more than around $600 for her share of the rent. The profile is of one Sophia Cosmadopoulos, who works in art therapy and instruction, and has a boatload of student loans. Ms. Cosmadopoulos lived near the BQE in Carroll Gardens, then Williamsburg, then Bushwick. She now resides in Bed-Stuy, and has dealt with stuff like critters and weird layouts in her various apartments. We’re probably hopelessly out of touch, but we thought the cheap-o rate for part of a share has had an $800 baseline for at least a decade. Here’s the story’s kicker: “An issue she spends more time thinking about, she says, is her participation in waves of gentrification. ‘It’s hard to avoid when you move to New York, when you have a bunch of student loans and don’t have a lot of money,’ she said. ‘I just live in places that I can afford to live. And obviously, that comes at a price. Ms. Cosmadopoulos said that in every neighborhood where she lived, she had made sure to shop at nearby businesses, to support the local community and never to pine for a place like Starbucks.”
As Brooklyn Rents Rise, She Stalks the $625 Apartment [NY Times]

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Williamsburg Pioneers Getting Booted From 338 Berry


338-Berry-Street-1109.jpg
Today the Post has a story about some residents of 338 Berry Street in Williamsburg, a former noodle factory that many artists moved into in the mid-1990s and who are now fighting off a landlord trying to evict them. Here we go, yo:

Most of the seven-story building is already vacant. All that’s left is 10 large lofts filled with dozens of pioneers who moved to Williamsburg in the mid-1990s, when it was still isolated, crime-ridden and full of factories. They paved the way for the subsequent hipster invasion — which sent property values skyrocketing. Seeing the writing on the wall, the residents of the building’s work-live lofts signed agreements with the previous landlord allowing them to stay until 2011. But in 2010 the state revised the Loft Law — to put such artist-occupied spaces under rent stabilization. The Berry Street tenants claim the legislation supersedes their agreement. But Brooklyn Supreme Court Justice Bert Bunyan two weeks ago sided with the current landlord, Mona Gora-Friedman, who wants to show them the door. She finds the artists unpalatable, they claim, because they’re standing in the way of converting the building into luxury condos.

Last time this building was in the news, in 2009, it was because a very respected drummer, Jerry Fuchs, fell to his death after a malfunction with the property’s manual elevator. At the time, the building had code violations out the wazoo.
W’burg Has Art Attack [NY Post]
Site of Drummer’s Fall Lousy with Violations [Brownstoner] GMAP

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Gentrification Battles Among Parents at Public Schools



This weekend the Times ran a story focusing on the tensions that are evident at several public schools between the newer—and often wealthier parents—and the old-guard parents who sent their kids to the schools before the neighborhoods they’re in became trendier and more expensive. The schools mentioned in Brooklyn include P.S. 295, where there was a PTA skirmish over whether to raise prices on cupcakes at a monthly bake sale from 50 cents to $1; P.S. 11 in Clinton Hill, where there were arguments over how classy an affair the school’s annual auction should be; and at P.S. 261 in Boerum Hill, where some parents “are trying to emulate professional fund-raising outfits, by quietly reaching out to the splattering of bankers and small business owners for large donations, while largely bypassing those who have less. This, of course, has managed to offend people on both sides.” The stats in the article about how the growing wealth in the neighborhoods these schools are in are illuminating: For example, at P.S. 295, the median household income shot up to $60,184 in 2010 from $34,878 10 years earlier. At P.S. 11, in Clinton Hill, 67 percent of students now qualify for a free or reduced-fee lunch, as opposed to the 86 percent that qualified in 2005. This was the section of the article that really stood out:

Such fracases are increasingly common at schools like P.S. 295, where changing demographics can cause culture clashes. PTA leaders are often caught between trying to get as much as possible from parents of means without alienating lower-income families. Sometimes, the battles are over who should lead the PTA itself: many of the gentrifiers bring professional skills and different ideas of how to get things done, while those who improved the school enough to attract them become guardians of its traditions. So along with cross-cultural exchanges, international festivals and smorgasbords, school diversity can mean raw feelings about race and class bubbling to the surface.

Have any readers with kids in local public schools witnessed this phenomenon firsthand?
At the PTA, Clashes Over Cupcakes and Culture [NY Times]
Photo by NYC School Help

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Get Over Gentrification, Says Bed Stuy Blogger


The blogger behind My Bed Stuy has penned a post about gentrification in the neighborhood that doesn’t mince words:

Bed-Stuy has changed and continues to evolve, for better or worse. You can embrace it and have it work for you, or sit and sulk about a “Golden Age” that never existed and miss out on all the good that’s happening here. The folks that are opening businesses like cafes, restaurants, wine shops, and bakeries, black and white owners, are vested. They could have opened anywhere else, but chose Bed-Stuy because they were tired of having to leave their neighborhood when they wanted a good cup of coffee, a good meal, or a good bottle of wine. They live in the neighborhood, hire locally, and participate socially, civically and politically. And they need and deserve our support. If you don’t like the quality or service of an establishment, it’s your responsibility to tell the owner, who is most likely to be there in the shop, how you feel. If they don’t adjust, then it’s your right to take your business elsewhere. But don’t just sit and complain about it.

Continue reading the rest of the post, along with some passionate comments, here

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Southside Rising



Today the Journal has an article describing the in-progress gentrification of Williamsburg’s Southside, noting in particular the various restaurants that have opened in the past few years, like Fatty ‘Cue, and the smattering of new condos, like 88 South First Street. The big development elephant in the area, the Domino conversion, is also mentioned, though a rep for the project says financing has yet to be finalized and no start date has been set for construction. The story also has the expected mention of the growing pains caused by gentrification: “‘Every time I go for a walk around the neighborhood, I see signs for a new place opening where some of us can’t afford to eat or shop,’ said 63-year-old Jose Vargas, who has lived in the area for decades. ‘It’s only a matter of time before we can’t afford to live here.” It also notes, though, that a reinvention of the neighborhood is still years away: “empty warehouses and tenements still pepper the neighborhood and some say the South Side has a way to go before the area is fully revitalized.”
South Williamsburg Keeps Grip on Old Ties [WSJ]
Photo by Several seconds

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Roughing It in Cobble Hill on $350K a Year



You may have read recently about the plight of a finance professional who went on record with Bloomberg bemoaning the difficulty of raising his family in New York on $350,000 a year. “I feel stuck,” he said. “The New York that I wanted to have is still just beyond my reach.” Finance writer extraordinaire Felix Salmon takes a deeper dive on the root of the Cobble Hill resident’s issues:

The problem in brownstone Brooklyn isn’t that the middle class is diminishing. In fact, the whole reason why [he] can’t move into the house he wants is that Brooklyn’s middle class is growing, to the point at which demand from middle-class families for comfortable housing significantly exceeds supply. The natural result is stratospheric prices. Wall Street bonuses might be down this year. But there’s still an enormous amount of money in New York — so much money, in fact, that [he] feels unable to buy exactly the house he wants. I don’t think anybody is going to feel sorry for him — but the very fact that he’s in that position is proof that the rich are doing very well for themselves these days.

While we’re not expecting anyone to shed a tear over this guy’s situation either, it is fair to say for someone with kids in private school (a decision Salmon takes a sardonic swipe at) who wants to buy a house in the more expensive parts of Brownstone Brooklyn, $350,000 a year isn’t going to cut it unless he or she has quite a lot of money in the bank already. Of course anyone who makes significantly less than that is going to think the guy is a jerk for complaining, but it’s all relative.
Photo by Jay Woodworth

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A Bitter Take on Gentrification


This opinion piece from Friday’s Washington Post may have been written by a resident of the nation’s capital but we suspect it might have some resonance here in Brooklyn.

Here’s what I see: long-term African American residents leaving the city, and not by choice. Their old neighborhoods are being taken over by young, white professionals who are the beneficiaries of educational and social opportunities that this African American population never had. Many of these African Americans raised families in the old brownstones in my neighborhood, but they rented from absentee landlords who now have been more than happy to sell out to developers. A historically disadvantaged people has been disadvantaged once again.

And apparently there is a memo I didn’t get. The one that says: “Whenever you see a non-white person in the neighborhood, be sure you strike an immediate hard look on your face to be sure they know you are not friendly.” What are they thinking? Do they wonder who lived in these houses before the developers ran them out? What the hell do they think racism is anyway?

Not surprisingly, the comments are where the action is. Reactions ranged from “It sounds to me like you have a serious chip on your shoulder” to “I’m white, college educated…etc. But I know what he’s talking about” to ” Mr. Carlso confuses demographic change with racism and, in turn, becomes racist.” See the entire story and all the comments here.

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Franklin Avenue’s Boom and Its Discontents



Only a few days after landing on the cover of the New York Times Real Estate section as being an affordable alternative to Carroll Gardens, Crown Heights North gets more attention today in the paper of record. While Sunday’s piece emphasized all the reasons the nabe has been rising in popularity (beautiful housing stock, tons of new stores and restaurants, proximity to transportation and Prospect Park), today’s piece, which focuses on the Franklin Avenue corridor between Atlantic and Eastern Parkway, takes a look at the inevitable tensions between old and new that happen when any neighborhood undergoes rapid change. If it feels like you’ve seen this movie (or this article before), it’s because you have. Here’s the recipe: Cite some sensational statistics (rents up 36 percent in one year! white population up 15 percent in last ten years!), quote a long-time resident about how unfriendly the newcomers are (“being an old timer, I don’t see that warmth and neighborliness kicking in yet because folks are still strangers”) and then show the other side of the story. In this case, the other side of the story is Evangeline Porter, a 79-year-old woman who started the Crow Hill Community Association 25 years ago and has been embracing the more recent changes, to the chagrin of some of the existing stakeholders. From The Times:

“Franklin Avenue is my baby,” said Ms. Porter, who recounted a recent conversation with one landlord. “He said to me, ‘You’re letting these people come in and take over.’ I told him, ‘I am.’ ”Ms. Porter, who is black, criticized African-American merchants for being complacent in rebuilding the neighborhood years ago and praised many of the “young Caucasians” for attending community meetings. “They saw the potential of the neighborhood and said, ‘What can we do to help?’ ” she said.

And to wrap up the article, how about a light-hearted reference to a silly tempest in a teapot? Sure! In this case, last year’s effort by some real estate brokers to rebrand northwestern Crown Heights as ProCro (referencing the area’s increasing overlap demographically and commercially with Prospect Heights) and Assembly Member Hakeem Jeffries’ humorless response provided perfect fodder. Prepare the printing presses!
Unease Lingers Amid a Rebirth in Crown Heights [NY Times]
So You’re Priced Out. Now What? [NY Times]
Photo by bondidwhat

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Little Love Lost for Columbia Street Poultry Market



The Times looked at last week’s partial collapse of the Columbia Street building that houses a poultry slaughterhouse in terms of how the gentrifying neighborhood views the business. Plenty of residents thought the place was smelly and barbaric (“One family saw a man chase down a fleeing duck, grab it by the neck and drag it to its fate”) while others suggested that people who complained about it are annoying Johnny-come-lately yuppies. A couple real estate brokers interviewed for the story said the smell from the business sometimes deterred prospective buyers. It’s unclear whether the slaughterhouse, Yeung Sen, will be allowed to reopen. The accidental building collapse was caused by workers digging to improve the Gowanus Canal flushing tunnel. The story notes that as of 20 years ago there were three slaughterhouses in the neighborhood, but if Yeung Sen closes only one will remain: “The last slaughterhouse standing, on Sackett Street, kept a low profile last week, its corrugated shutters pulled down tight. “A knock at the steel door brought Jenny Li, in a white apron. She said her uncle founded the business decades ago. ‘They complain, but we were here before them,’ she said. ‘There was nothing here.’”
A Collapse at a Poultry Shop Exposes a Rift Among Neighbors [NY Times]
Partial Collapse of Columbia Street Building [Brownstoner]

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Improvements at Ft. Greene, Clinton Hill Schools



Gotham Gazette has a story today looking at how public schools in Fort Greene and Clinton Hill are believed to have improved dramatically in recent years, and parents who once sent their kids to schools outside of the district are now forging documents to get their kids into it. The story’s focus is mostly on P.S. 11, and the article attributes the school’s improvements and increasing desirability to gentrification that has resulted in creative-class parents who have more time to be involved with their kids’ education. The new wave of parents helped force out the school’s unpopular principal, according to the article, and then raised money and put in volunteer hours. One parent who had a kid at the school had this to say: “It’s totally a class issue, because the parents who stay at home can be more engaged. For schools in neighborhoods where there’s not a lot of resources, it’s not gonna be one in two parents who can come in and help out.” According to Dr. Jennifer Stillman, a researcher who looks at schools in gentrifying neighborhoods, improvements are predicated on a snowball effect of early adopters to a school system then attracting other parents: “Stillman’s research found that the successful integration – racial, economic, and cultural – of this new parent group into the existing schools and is key to a school managing the kind of ‘turnaround’ many parents seek. ‘There is a key moment in a school that successfully integrates, where the early majority decides to stay,’ Stillman said.”
Parental Involvement is Formula for Success in Brooklyn Schools [Gotham Gazette]
Photo by PropertyShark

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Documentary Examines Changes in Downtown Brooklyn


Next Wednesday 92YTribeca is holding a work-in-progress screening of a film called “My Brooklyn,” a documentary that looks at how Downtown Brooklyn has changed over the 10 or so years. The movie is first-person account of director Kelly Anderson’s observations as a Brooklyn “gentrifier”:

The story begins when Anderson moves to Brooklyn in 1988, lured by cheap rents and bohemian culture. By Michael Bloomberg’s election as mayor in 2001, a massive speculative real estate boom is rapidly altering the neighborhoods she has come to call home. She watches as an explosion of luxury housing and chain store development spurs bitter conflict over who has a right to live in the city and to determine its future. While some people view these development patterns as ultimately revitalizing the city, to others, they are erasing the eclectic urban fabric, economic and racial diversity, creative alternative culture, and unique local economies that drew them to Brooklyn in the first place. It seems that no less than the city’s soul is at stake.

As shown in the trailer above, one of the movie’s focal points has to do with efforts to change the Fulton Mall, and from this one of the “film’s ultimate questions become how to heal the deep racial wounds embedded in our urban development patterns, and how citizens can become active in restoring democracy to a broken planning process.”
“My Brooklyn” [Official Site]
“My Brooklyn” Screening [92YTribeca]

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The Resurgence of Brooklyn, Explained


In the latest issue of City Journal, Kay Hymowitz, who adventurously moved her young family to Park Slope in the early 1980s, charts the fall and rise of Brooklyn over the last century and change, from its industrial heyday through the drug- and crime-addled decades of the sixties, seventies and eighties and to its remarkable turnaround of the last fifteen years in which it’s become a magnet for the city’s burgeoning creative class. The first section of the article starts on a personal note, describing the boarding house next door run by the widow of the postal worker who owned it; house became progressively more run down and depressing until it finally burned down in 1995 when one of the bed-ridden elderly tenants fell asleep with a lit cigarette.

If you’ve been in Park Slope recently, you can probably guess how things turned out for the Lehane house. But you may not know why. How did the Brooklyn of the Lehanes and crack houses turn into what it is today—home to celebrities like Maggie Gyllenhaal and Adrian Grenier, to Michelin-starred chefs, and to more writers per square foot than any place outside Yaddo? How did the borough become a destination for tour buses showing off some of the most desirable real estate in the city, even the country? How did the mean streets once paced by Irish and Italian dockworkers, and later scarred by muggings and shootings, become just about the coolest place on earth? The answer involves economic, class, and cultural changes that have transformed urban life all over America during the last few decades. It’s a story that contains plenty of gumption, innovation, and aspiration, but also a disturbing coda. Brooklyn now boasts a splendid population of postindustrial and creative-class winners—but in the far reaches of the borough, where nary a hipster can be found, it is also home to the economy’s many losers.

Hymowitz credits Giuliani’s campaign against crime with laying the groundwork for the gentrification that began in the nineties (“After the 81st Precinct, which encompasses the eastern half of the neighborhood, saw a 64 percent plunge in violent crime between 1993 and 2003, the lawyers, editors, artists, and nonprofit administrators started venturing in.”) as well as the rezonings of formerly industrial neighborhoods that made way for a residential building boom.

The third reason for Brooklyn’s “modern revival,” as she calls it, was…
(more…)

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Running Through a Changing Brooklyn



The Times had an article this weekend looking at how various city neighborhoods along the marathon route have changed enormously in the last few decades, including several in Brooklyn:
-Bay Ridge: The area used to be home to a large number of Scandinavians, Irish and Italians but is now increasingly populated by “Russians and Asians, with a huge Muslim population, too. Women in purple and gold hijabs stroll down Fifth Avenue past the Islamic Society of Bay Ridge, a popular mosque that is the community’s spiritual heart.”
-Fort Greene: Characterized as “perhaps one of the neighborhoods more representative of change in New York,” which has led to “the kind of conversation taking place in many corners of the city — about the merits of gentrification, the complications of integration and the implications of aggressive policing.” The high price of real estate in the neighborhood is also mentioned, as is a beer price index: “Back in the 1970s, Ralph’s, a corner market at South Portland, was a Budweiser station, for marathon watchers or runners looking to reload some carbs. Now, Ralph’s stocks River House beer for $18 a six-pack.”
-Williamsburg: The hipster explosion of the past decade is noted, and a 27-year-old who lives in Greenpoint offers up his opinion about how the Burg is totally over: “Way too many ‘rad dads’ floating around.”
It’s not highlighted in the story, but 4th Avenue in Park Slope—with its crush of new residential construction—is another stretch of the marathon in Brooklyn ripe for then-and-now contemplation.
Along the Route, Neighborhood Snapshots of New York’s Progression [NY Times]
Photo by jonathanpercy

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Franklin Avenue’s Changing Retail Offerings



The blog I Love Franklin Avenue put together a “Neighborhood Change Roundup” tracking recent commercial turnovers on Franklin, and it’s clear that the stretch has seen a lot of action in the past few years. The tally: 35 new businesses have opened since 2008 (14 in the past year); five are coming soon (including a fancy cocktail/oyster bar); and there have been 21 renovations/expansions as well as 19 closings. ILFA opines: “There’s an obvious gentrifying trend, but it’s not quite as simple as bar-replaces-bodega, as several businesses that don’t scream ‘change’ have opened and are doing a brisk business (Mazon’s, the Pana Store, the Pawn Shop, BNI Laundromat, Compare Foods, etc), while others that do (Nairobi’s Knapsack, and now perhaps Franklin Roadhouse – they’ve been closed a lot recently) – have gone under.” The significant retail changes along nearby Washington, Classon, and Nostrand avenues are also pointed out. And, finally, a familiar gentrification question is posed: “How can/should we, as residents, merchants, and landlords, seek to channel this change in the service of building a healthy community that serves everyone, longtime locals and new arrivals, on Franklin Avenue? Is it possible?” What do you think?
The Annual Neighborhood Change Roundup [ILFA]

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[blackbirdpie url="http://twitter.com/#!/conorizzett/status/129748325279870977"]

By Brownstoner | | Comment

Priced Out By Oysters


[blackbirdpie url="http://twitter.com/#!/simonfraser/status/129557338490286080"]

By Brownstoner | | Comment

#gentrification watch


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Group Trying to Retain Southside’s Latino Population



The organization El Puente has received millions in grants for a program that aims to improve the quality of life for Latino residents in south Williamsburg and celebrate their culture, according to the Daily News, thus keeping them in the neighborhood despite encroaching gentrification. The head of El Puente, Luis Garden Acosta, has this to say about fighting displacement: “The buzz is about the culture that is coming into Williamsburg, not from Williamsburg…If people are not feeling like this is their community then they won’t feel like they have a future here.” The article also has the usual gentrification-story details about longtime residents being priced out and “hipster” businesses like Pies ‘n’ Thighs being popular with newcomers. Think El Puente’s plans to bolster Latinos’ identification with the neighborhood and promote things like healthy eating will be effective ways of retaining the Hispanic population?
Gentrification Meets Resistance From Longtime Latino Residents [NY Daily News]
Photo by bitchcakesny

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Gentrification: A Vast Top-Down Conspiracy?


That’s the take of the president of the Harlem Tenants Council, quoted in a New America Media story titled “Gentrification Pushing African Americans Out of Cities:”

What that says to me is this is about much more than just gentrification…It seems it’s all but become a matter of public policy, one mandated by the big-time real estate, insurance and finance companies that now govern the economies of cities and truly pull all the strings. Among them, the consensus seems to be that black people don’t have the right to live in prime sectors and on high-valued, expensive land.

Brooklyn City Council Member Charles Barron has similar thoughts. “The development should be from the bottom up, from the people up, not from the top down, from rich white developers and the city planning commission,” he said in the same article.

How about you? Do you think the gentrification in Brooklyn and the rest of the city is such a top-down phenomenon. Aside from a couple of high-profile rezonings like the Williamsburg waterfront (which had almost no black residents but quite a high number of Latinos) and Downtown Brooklyn, where a few dozen residents (we’re guessing), many of them black, were likely displaced, we’d argue that gentrification is more of an organic process that is fairly bottom-up. Or at least, that’s where it starts. If you look at the standard lifecycle (pioneering artists and students followed by an upscale coffee shop or two followed by young families), the changes are already in motion before the politicians and developers get the memo. And while zoning changes are one way politicians can have a direct top-down impact on how a neighborhood evolves, the ramifications of other changes are more complicated. Take, for example, a politician who allocates money to clean up and beautify a long neglected public space in an area like Bed Stuy: On the one hand, this should be greeted by residents as a great thing, right? But it has the perverse consequence of making the area more attractive to new, possibly more affluent, residents. Likewise, should long-time residents bemoan the opening of a fantastic, mid-priced restaurant like Saraghina or an organic food market because these places will attract people of different races and income levels? Complicated stuff.

In a neighborhood like Bed Stuy, the main driver of gentrification has most certainly not come from developers and politicians, though a handful of new condo buildings have been built to appeal to more affluent buyers in recent years. (In some of these cases, no residents end up being displaced–instead vacant and derelict properties are invested in and new housing stock created.) The main driver of gentrification in Bed Stuy in recent years has been (1) families attracted to the housing stock and and community scaled who, compelled by higher housing prices in Fort Greene and subsequently Clinton Hill, keep looking further and further east for their dream home and (2) a wave of upwardly-mobile black twenty- and thirty-somethings who are both attracted to the sense of pride and history and appreciate being able to get a latte or some decent sushi.

If you’re interested in this topic and specifically how it relates to Brooklyn, the film makers behind a documentary-in-progress called My Brooklyn (trailer embedded above) have ten days to go in their Kickstarter fund drive.

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When The Gentrifiers Aren’t White



This article from the Washington DC City Paper is a few months old, but a reader just brought it to our attention and it seemed relevant to some of the discussions that have been going on around here recently about gentrification and shifts in the population (like this and this). The author, a young black woman who graduated from Howard University in 2006, writes in the first person about changes during her school years as well when she moves back to LeDroit Park neighborhood in 2010 after a four-year hiatus.

White professionals and hipsters trickled in, slowly, visible even through the bubble of being a black college student, surrounded by 10,000 other black college students, in a largely black neighborhood, in a mostly black city. By 2004, they were regularly spotted making their way to and from the Shaw–Howard University Metrorail station. And by the time I graduated, white people were jogging up 4th Street NW through the campus, and walking their large dogs on the green lawn of Howard’s Louis Stokes Health Sciences Library—something longtime black residents never did.

Four years later, the author is walking her own dog on the green lawn.

For neighborhoods where it suddenly feels like white people are “everywhere,” the U.S. Census Bureau says the vast majority of residents in LeDroit Park and Bloomingdale (and Petworth, and Brookland) are still black—more than 80 percent of the residents in some gentrifying census tracts in a 2009 estimate. Perhaps that’s because just as “black people” is a proxy term for poor people in D.C., “white people” is a proxy term for the young professionals who have moved in—and neither term is being accurately used….Newcomers to D.C. of any race tend to arrive for the same kind of high-powered jobs, the kind of jobs you can’t get without education and social capital. The people who are already struggling to find work when newcomers get here, though, are likely to be black.

Later in the piece she writes this:

“Gentrifier” can’t be equated with “white person.” After all, most poor people in this country are white (though it’s definitely a numbers game; whites are still less likely to be poor than blacks and Latinos—there are just more of them). The gentrifier is a person of privilege, and even if she doesn’t have much money, she’s got an education and a network of friends who are striving like she is, and she has the resources to at least try to get what she wants.

Any of this resonate with gentrifiers of color out there?

Photo by Angry Eel

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